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Using International Trade Regulations to Combat Climate Change
The Economic Strategy Institute has published a new report on how to use trade measures to limit carbon emissions, combat climate change, and ensure a level playing field for international competition.
For too long, many American business and political leaders have fought a holding action against committing the United States to serious efforts to control global climate change and reducing greenhouse gas emissions. That their doubts about the veracity of climate change science and the role of human activity as the cause of climate change have now been disproved is of little comfort, because the delay in addressing this serious challenge has left the US ill-prepared to set the global agenda for regulating greenhouse gas emissions. The climate change deniers, though now cowed, have done serious damage to the long term economic and political influence of the US, as other countries have moved ahead with new policies and regulations that could set the terms of future mitigation efforts in ways that undermine US economic strength and international influence.
As the US dithered, the rest of the world moved ahead with a variety of regulatory efforts to mitigate climate change. While many of these efforts, most notably the Kyoto Protocol, were severely flawed, much progress has been made in laying the groundwork for efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions through the use of carbon taxes and cap and trade emissions schemes. Moreover, attention is being increasingly turned to issues of enforcement. One of the fatal flaws of Kyoto was that neither the United States nor the leading emerging market economies were party to the agreement. But market access can be a powerful inducement to change. Thus, policy makers in the EU and elsewhere are realizing that international trade regulations can be used to enforce environmental rules – even in countries not bound by existing environmental rules or treaties. Exporters who depend on foreign markets can be forced to meet tough new regulations. The time and study put into these labors has put the EU in the driver’s seat in terms of setting the agenda for future mitigation efforts. The US – and particularly US businesses - risk being forced to adapt and comply with regulations which they had no part in devising and they risk being left behind as new technologies transform new products and production techniques.
Dealing with climate change is thus a critical priority for the US. Not only are the environmental consequences of inaction dire, but the long term economic and regulatory consequences of not proactively responding to climate change are even more pressing. If the US does not act, it will cede to the EU the role of setting global standards and regulations. More to the point, US policy makers need to recognize that, because of the size and strength of US markets, the US is in fact in a strong position to impose emissions regulations that will be adopted the world over. The way to do this is by using trade measures to force exporters to reduce their emissions if they wish to sell their goods and services in the US.
WTO rules need not stand in the way of concerted efforts to limit the use of greenhouse gases. Indeed, many WTO rules could serve to make environmental protections more effective by ensuring that such protections are universally applied around the globe. Allowing major developed or industrializing nations to opt out of environmental restrictions, as Kyoto does, will fail to combat climate change and could also lead to disruptive economic changes as polluting industries are confronted with incentives to move to jurisdictions with little or no environmental legislation.
Therefore taxes and other trade measures can and should be undertaken to encourage other countries to restrict emissions of greenhouse gases, and to lay the groundwork for an enforcement mechanism that would allow new international environmental agreements to function smoothly. Indeed, trade measures may prove to be the only effective way of ensuring broad international compliance with emissions regulations.
In particular, attention must be paid to the fact that any remedy – be it carbon taxes, cap and trade systems, or other measures - must be applied universally, without discriminating against international producers or favoring domestic ones. One important finding of this study is that any emissions permits issued under a cap and trade system must be auctioned off, rather than allocated, in order to conform to WTO rules that prohibit subsidies. Still, WTO rules and regulations should not be seen as a hindrance to efforts to introducing environmental regulations. They leave upon a wide range of policy tools with which individual countries can take steps to limit their own GHG emissions and those associated with the imports they purchase.
The key to implementing effective and efficient policies to combat global warming lies in effectively using WTO rules and regulatory procedures to support and accelerate the effort to reduce global greenhouse gas emissions. This paper examines some of the underlying legal issues and precedents shaping the relationship between the international trade regime and new efforts to combat climate change, and makes some substantive policy recommendations. The U.S. can still provide global leadership on the issue of climate change, but time is of the essence. If the U.S. does not act now, we will cede first mover advantage to European regulators.
Click Here to Download the Full Report in PDF Format
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How the Asbestos Litigation is Undermining US Competitiveness, Destroying Jobs and Short-Changing Victims.
In 1925, then President Calvin Coolidge famously said that "the business
of America is business." Now, over 90 years later, the business of
America is increasingly conducted in courthouses among trial lawyers
and insurance executives. The asbestos litigation has already caused
nearly 80 corporate bankruptcies in the US, and has impacted the
earnings and operations of hundreds of other firms. The US tort system
has become an anchor dragging down America's economic growth at a time when the competitive challenges from a globalized economy are stronger than ever.
In its current form, the asbestos litigation is no longer about justice; it
is no longer about helping injured workers or ensuring that the correct
incentives are in place to prevent greedy companies from injuring their customers of employees. Rather, it is about the US legal system shaking down corporate America to pad the paychecks of lawyers on both sides. Indeed, the interests of American workers, consumers and companies are being cast aside as lawyers rush to file new claims before the next major corporation files bankruptcy and the spigot of easy money is closed behind a wall of bankruptcy protection. The lessons
of the asbestos litigation should be very clear: the regulatory system
failed to protect workers in the first place, and then the tort system
compounded that failure by allowing unimpaired victims to file
claims, and targeting companies that had little or nothing to do with
the underlying injuries caused by asbestos exposure.
The bottom line is simply this. Over the next 25 to 30 years, defendants
in asbestos litigation may have to part with an estimated $141.2
billion to settle claims. The simulations in this study, as well as the
results of other studies, suggest that the current path of asbestos
claims resolution will have very real economic consequences, and that these consequences are likely to fall heavily, though not exclusively,
on manufacturers and their workers. Even if the flexible U.S. economy
adjusts to these costs to remain at full employment after an adjustment
period, the resulting economy will support hundreds of thousands
fewer jobs in manufacturing industries than otherwise. A reduction
in the level of capital accumulation would also produce slower
productivity growth, with adverse consequences for wages and living
standards for the United States as a whole. Given the increasingly competitive
global economy, these are costs that US industry can ill afford.
Click Here to Download the Full Report in PDF Format |
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The Great Shift of Wealth and Power to the East
By the beginning of this century it was already commonplace to speak of the
U.S. as a "hyperpower," to talk of its military, political, and economic clout
as unprecedented in world history, and to assume that American dominance would
continue at least throughout our lifetimes. It is conventional wisdom that
America will have no serious rivals for at least a generation. But the American
position is far more fragile and ephemeral than much of the world believes.
Clyde Prestowitz shows the powerful yet barely visible trends that are
threatening to end the six-hundred-year run of Western domination of the world.
The trends include America's increasingly unsustainable trade deficits; the
equally unsustainable (and dangerous) buildup of massive dollar reserves in
places like Japan and China; the end of America's position as the world's
premier center for invention and technological innovation; the sudden entrance
of 2.5 billion people in India and China into the world's skilled job market;
the role of the World Wide Web in permitting many formerly localized jobs to be
done anywhere in the world; and the demographic meltdown of Europe, Japan,
Russia, and, in later decades, even China. Three Billion New Capitalists
is a clear-eyed and profoundly unsettling look at America's and the world's
economic future, from an author with a history of predicting the important
trends long before they become apparent to others.
New International Editions:
Click Here for the Chinese Translation
Click Here for the Italian Translation
Click Here for the Japanese Translation
Click Here for the Korean Translation
Now Available in Paperback:
Click Here for the Paperback Edition
A Washington Post Best Seller
One of Business Week's Top Picks
One of Foreign Affair's Top Ten Sellers of 2005
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